The Role of Intelligence and the Military in Mexico’s Future

In mid-August 2025, Mexico’s Defense Ministry announced implementation of a renewed plan, the Estrategia de Intercepción Terrestre de Tres Barreras (Three Barriers Land Interception Strategy), which seeks to halt the movement of drugs, weapons, and migrant traffic along key national routes—shutting down those used by organized crime. A program that is reportedly included in Mexico’s security agreements with the USA.

Additionally, it is linked to President Claudia Sheinbaum’s National Security Strategy, which has been submitted to Congress and is awaiting debate. A plan that includes, as a key element, the strengthening of Army intelligence to consolidate its role in public safety.

However, this is raising concerns in Mexico as it incorporates plans to increase the intelligence-gathering roles of Mexico’s armed forces.  Some fear that giving greater intel authority to the Army will bring about an imbalance in the Mexican system.

The goals to dismantle complex criminal entities and routes are justified.  However, the decision to place most intelligence responsibilities with the military, rather than civil authorities, is at the heart of the developing controversy.

As well, some people question the Army’s increased role in intelligence given the presence of other intel entities within the Defense Ministry, and concerns about coordination—specifically, which entity would lead and how information would be disseminated and utilized.

Moreover, there is fear that coordination would be hindered due to internal friction, not just in crime fighting, but also over who controls strategic information. Over the years, civil society and opposition political parties have expressed concerns about the militarization of public security, fearing issues such as human rights violations and a lack of transparency.

Interestingly, the new presidential plan conflicts with other governmental proposals. For example, Omar García Harfuch, Mexico’s Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection, is promoting the creation of a civil intelligence and investigation service nationwide, with 10,000 agents.

And what about the National Intelligence Center (CNI), formerly CISEN, for years Mexico’s primary intelligence agency?

During the administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), 2018-2024, militarization grew in Mexico, despite his early assurances that it would not. What AMLO called for was “abrazos, no balazos” (hugs, not gunfire), while he bolstered his political plan for the armed forces, giving the services major roles in State affairs. All of which gave the military greater political influence, increased its ability to meddle in government affairs, and consolidated its role as an economic player.

President Sheinbaum would now seem to be walking a thin line, with future success depending not only on reductions in violence and crime but also on the government’s ability to establish effective means of civil control regarding military intelligence.

The Mexican Army has undergone significant political changes over the last hundred years, performing critical functions for post-revolutionary governments. They have, and do, serve as conduits with regional and local governments, keep watch over social movements, at times function as intermediaries between the federal government, regional powers, and caciques (as well as crime lords and capos), and they can be repressive when seen fit. All of which has aided Mexico’s political stability, most recently since the 1970s.

From the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, “The World Factbook”:

“Field Listing—Military—note

“the Mexican military is responsible for defending the independence, integrity, and sovereignty of Mexico, as well as providing for internal security, disaster response, humanitarian assistance, and socio-economic development; internal security duties are a key focus, particularly combating narcotics trafficking and organized crime groups, as well as border control and immigration enforcement; the constitution was amended in 2019 to grant the president the authority to use the armed forces to protect internal affairs and national security, and courts have upheld the legality of the armed forces’ role in law enforcement activities in support of civilian authorities through 2028; the military also provides security for strategic facilities, such as oil production infrastructure, and administers most of the country’s land and sea ports and customs services, plus a state-owned development bank; in addition, President LÓPEZ OBRADOR placed the military in charge of a growing number of infrastructure projects, such as building and operating a new airport for Mexico City and sections of a train line in the country’s southeast. (2025)”

The forthcoming debate in Congress, now controlled by Sheinbaum’s (AMLO’s) Morena Party, regarding the President’s National Security Strategy, should provide insight not only into the present administration’s policies and plans, but too into the future of governmental, civic, military, and political relations in Mexico—as well as bilateral impacts on US interests.

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